Repression, poverty, propaganda : the Iteka League issues an indictment against the Ndayishimiye regime

SOS Médias Burundi

Bujumbura, August 8, 2025 — When he came to power in June 2020, following the unexpected death of his predecessor Pierre Nkurunziza, Évariste Ndayishimiye raised hopes. Hopes of a new lease of life, a break with the dark years marked by post-2015 violence, and a return to the rule of law.

Five years later, a damning report by the Iteka League paints a completely different picture : one of authoritarian governance, a muzzled civil society, and constantly trampled human rights.

A political climate remains locked in place

The report highlights a continuity with the authoritarian practices of the Nkurunziza era. From the first weeks of his term in office, President Ndayishimiye repeatedly declared good intentions, promising a merciless fight against corruption and a reopening of the political arena. But repression quickly resumed.

Opponents, activists, journalists, and ordinary critical citizens were the targets of arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and acts of torture.

The figures are chilling : between June 2020 and June 2025, the Iteka League documented 2,776 assassinations, 231 kidnappings, 313 cases of torture, and 665 victims of gender-based violence. These systematic violations are often justified by the regime’s security or counterterrorism imperatives.

A biased electoral process

The legislative elections of June 5, 2025, were, according to the Iteka League, the scene of a true democratic sham. Opposition parties were excluded or weakened, observers were intimidated, and massive fraud was orchestrated in favor of the CNDD-FDD.

The result : the ruling party claimed more than 96% of the vote, sweeping all 100 seats in the National Assembly. A landslide victory that established a de facto one-party system, denounced by UPRONA, the CNL, and the Burundi bwa Bose coalition.

Poor governance at the heart of the system

Economically, the picture is equally bleak. Burundi is facing a multifaceted crisis :

fuel shortages,

unavailable medicines,

soaring food prices,

continuing devaluation of the Burundian franc.

The Central Bank, now under the direct supervision of the presidency, has lost all independence. The 2024 monetary reform, with the abrupt withdrawal of the 5,000 and 10,000 BIF banknotes, has caused panic among an already vulnerable population.

According to the African Development Bank, inflation reached 27.1% in 2023. This explosive situation is fueling poverty—more than 70% of Burundians live below the poverty line—and social discontent.

Education and health : sectors in crisis

In rural areas, schools are falling into disrepair. Access to quality education is becoming a luxury. Infrastructure is inadequate, teaching materials are lacking, and teachers are often left to their own devices.

In terms of health, the situation is critical : hospitals lack everything, medicines are scarce, and inequalities in access are widening. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the weaknesses of an already stretched health system.

A justice system under order and a security apparatus used as a tool

The emblematic case of the trial of Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni, the disgraced former Prime Minister, illustrates a judicial system where independence is illusory.

Tried behind closed doors in Gitega prison, Bunyoni was convicted of attempted coup d’état, conspiracy, and undermining the national economy. The trial was described as political by several civil society organizations.

The National Intelligence Service (SNR), for its part, is still described as the armed wing of repression. It operates with impunity, in collaboration with militias affiliated with the CNDD-FDD, notably the Imbonerakure and new structures such as the FRAD (Reserve and Development Support Force).

Weakened institutions and a contested CNIDH

In May 2025, the appointment of Monsignor Martin Nyaboho as head of the Independent National Human Rights Commission (CNIDH) sparked controversy.

The former president, Sixte Vigny Nimuraba, fled the country, denouncing pressure and threats. This reappointment, carried out under uncertain conditions, marks, according to the Iteka League, a political takeover of an institution supposed to be the guarantor of fundamental rights.

Implication in the Congolese conflict and regional tensions

Évariste Ndayishimiye’s Burundi is not limited to domestic repression. It is also militarily engaged in the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, notably against the M23 rebels affiliated with the Congo River Alliance, a politico-military movement hostile to Kinshasa.

Since November 2023, several Burundian army units have been operating in the DRC, often in complete secrecy. This presence has been heavily criticized, both for its human costs and for its lack of parliamentary or democratic oversight.

The Iteka League report is unequivocal : Ndayishimiye’s five-year term has not brought about the hoped-for change. On the contrary, it has consolidated an authoritarian system, weakened the rule of law, and deepened inequalities.

Human rights violations persist, institutions are exploited, and the civic space is closed.

In five years, Évariste Ndayishimiye has gone from being a reformer to an authoritarian leader, according to the Iteka League. Behind promises of change, the regime has strengthened its grip on all spheres of national life, stifling fundamental freedoms and compromising the country’s democratic future.

On August 5, 2025, President Ndayishimiye installed a reduced government, marked by the introduction of new personalities and strategic returns, a sign of a mid-term political readjustment — or simply a survival maneuver.